May 26, 2026 — Alaska
From Bitcoin Mine to Air Force Base: Alaska's AI Land Rush
How stranded gas, a cryptocurrency startup, and three military bases quietly converged — and why nobody was supposed to notice.
The Gas Nobody Wanted
Beneath the tundra at Prudhoe Bay, there is natural gas that has been going nowhere for decades. It is a byproduct of oil extraction — unavoidable, abundant, and largely worthless. The pipelines that could carry it to market were never built. Liquefying it for export costs more than it earns. So oil companies do the next best thing: they reinject it underground, or flare it off into the Arctic sky. Alaska, which owns a royalty share of everything pulled from the North Slope, gets almost nothing from it.
This is the foundation of everything that follows. Remember it, because by the time the story reaches a military base outside Fairbanks, the gas is the through line that connects all of it.
Enter STAK
In the summer of 2025, a small Wasilla-based startup called Stax Capital Partners — later rebranded as STAK Energy — filed a permit application with Alaska state land managers. The proposal was straightforward: place shipping container-style pods housing natural gas generators and computers at a site roughly 30 miles south of the Prudhoe Bay oil field. Power the computers with the stranded gas. Mine Bitcoin.
The Alaska Beacon reported at the time that the initial 50-megawatt operation would use as much power as Alaska's largest coal plant — a facility in the Interior community of Healy. An energy historian at the University of Alaska Fairbanks put the problem plainly: "It just gets into this really problematic situation where, suddenly, we are burning gas that we wouldn't otherwise burn, and we are not executing an energy transition."
Opposition was modest but pointed. Environmental groups raised concerns about further industrialization of a sensitive Arctic region and the carbon implications of burning gas that had previously stayed in the ground. The story got some local coverage, then faded.
The Rebrand
By May 2026, STAK Energy had a new proposal — significantly larger. The company filed to develop a modular data center campus with up to 3 gigawatts of capacity on 715 acres adjacent to the Dalton Highway, 26 miles south of Deadhorse. The state issued a preliminary decision to lease the property. The projected cost: $500 million.
The framing had changed entirely. STAK was now, in its own words, focused on "large-scale AI and cloud computing operations," including training of machine learning models and high-performance scientific computing. The company's website, recently updated, now leads with "leading America's AI revolution" — though Bitcoin mining still appears in the company description. In press releases and permit filings, AI leads. The Bitcoin mining origin has not disappeared. It has simply been deprioritized.
The physical infrastructure is essentially identical. The stranded gas is the same gas. The North Slope location is the same location. The cooling advantage — an average annual temperature of 12 degrees Fahrenheit eliminates the need for water cooling — was always there. What changed was the political environment around the project, and the label attached to it.
Something else changed too. In recent months STAK has made a series of politically connected hires. According to the Alaska Beacon, these include Governor Mike Dunleavy's former natural resources commissioner, John Boyle, and a former special assistant at the state natural resources department, Jim Shine. The revolving door between the agency that approves the lease and the company seeking it is worth noting — because that same Dunleavy administration has since issued a preliminary formal finding that the STAK project is in the state's "best interest," a required step before issuing the 50-year land lease currently under consideration.
Bitcoin mining invites scrutiny: energy consumption questions, environmental challenges, skeptical local officials. AI data centers, in the current political climate, get a different reception entirely. They get described as national security infrastructure. They get executive orders. They get a preliminary best-interest finding from the governor. They get the Air Force.
The Air Force Opens Its Gates
On April 10, 2026, the Department of the Air Force quietly published a Request for Lease Proposal on SAM.gov — the federal contracting website most Alaskans have never visited. The proposal offered approximately 4,700 acres of underutilized land across three military installations: Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson outside Anchorage, Eielson Air Force Base outside Fairbanks, and Clear Space Force Station in the Denali Borough. Twelve parcels identified. Commercial data center developers invited to bid. Proposals due May 29, 2026.
That deadline is this Friday — three days from now. The bids are not yet in. Most Alaskans don't know the clock is running.
The structure of the deal is worth reading carefully. Under the Enhanced Use Lease model, private developers would be responsible for all aspects of the project — financing, permitting, construction, and long-term operation. The Air Force receives fair market value for the land. And in language buried in the solicitation: the government is under no obligation to purchase AI data center services or power from the projects. These are commercial operations, on active military bases, built and run by private companies, serving private clients.
The national security framing is real in one narrow sense: military land use bypasses the local zoning authority, county commission votes, and public referendum processes that have blocked or delayed an estimated $98 billion in data center projects nationally over the past year. There will be no Box Elder County-style public hearing at Eielson. There will be no referendum petition filed at JBER.
The Preemptive Narrative
Before significant opposition to any of this had organized in Alaska, a conservative Alaska outlet called The Alaska Story published an article framing potential opposition as "dark money protests." The piece traced environmental opposition to data centers nationally to philanthropic networks connected to Swiss billionaire Hansjรถrg Wyss and British hedge fund manager Chris Hohn — the same framing being deployed simultaneously by Kevin O'Leary in Utah, where his $100 billion data center project had just been approved over community objections.
O'Leary's claims relied heavily on a report from the Bitcoin Policy Institute alleging foreign-linked coordination behind anti-data-center opposition. What went largely unreported: the Bitcoin Policy Institute was founded and initially funded by the Bitcoin Advocacy Project, a pro-Bitcoin industry group, and co-founded by the director of policy at Bitcoin Magazine. Its donor list is not publicly available. It accepts Donor-Advised Funds — one of the most opaque giving structures in American philanthropy. By O'Leary's own standard — using IRS 990 filings to expose undisclosed funding — the Bitcoin Policy Institute would not pass the test he applied to his opponents.
The groups being labeled "dark money" file public tax returns. The institute producing the dark money accusations does not disclose its donors.
The Questions Nobody Is Asking
The bids for JBER, Eielson, and Clear close this Friday. The public will not know who submitted them for weeks, possibly months after that. When the award notices eventually appear on SAM.gov, a few things are worth examining closely.
Are any Bitcoin mining-adjacent companies or investors among the bidders? The infrastructure requirements for large-scale Bitcoin mining and AI data centers are nearly identical — power generation, cooling, compute density. A company that spent 2025 proposing a Bitcoin mine on state land and 2026 rebranding as an AI operator would find a military base lease attractive for reasons that have nothing to do with national defense.
Who funded the think tanks whose threat assessments are shaping federal policy on data center opposition? The Soufan Center, West Point's Combating Terrorism Center, and the Bitcoin Policy Institute have all published frameworks treating community opposition to data centers as a potential extremism threat. Their funding sources range from partially disclosed to effectively opaque. The communities whose democratic participation is being reframed as extremist activity have no equivalent institutional voice.
What happens to Alaska energy costs if STAK's proposed power plant burns more than twice the natural gas consumed by all of urban Alaska? Who bears that cost? Who captures that profit?
And finally: when a commercial data center on a military base serves private clients, generates private revenue, and is operated by a private company — what, precisely, makes it a national security asset rather than a real estate transaction that happens to be immune from local oversight?
What This Story Is and Isn't
This post makes no claim that STAK Energy bid on the military base leases. That connection has not been established. It makes no claim that Bitcoin mining companies are the only or even the primary bidders for JBER and Eielson. It does not assert that all opposition to data centers is legitimate, or that the two confirmed violent incidents tied to anti-data-center sentiment are not serious.
What it does assert is that a Bitcoin mining startup rebranded as an AI company, hired the governor's former natural resources commissioner, and received a preliminary best-interest finding from that same governor's administration. That military land is being opened to commercial operators in ways that bypass local democratic processes. That the think tanks producing the extremism framework around opposition have less transparent funding than the groups they target. And that the bid deadline is this Friday — with almost no public attention in Alaska.
The award notice will appear on SAM.gov. Watch for it.
SAM.gov — Search: "Alaska data center Enhanced Use Lease DAF 2026"
Alaska Beacon — STAK/Stax original reporting, June 2025 and May 2026
Air & Space Forces Magazine — JBER/Eielson RLP, April 11, 2026
Bitcoin Policy Institute founding — CryptoNews/Bitcoin Magazine, 2022
STAK Energy website — stak.energy
Alaska Story — "Will North Slope data center proposal get targeted by dark money protests," May 26, 2026